Our Europe
M. Jacques Chirac to the Bundestag Berlin
27 June 2000
Thank you for this momentous occasion which
neither I nor my compatriots will forget. Thank you for inviting
me to address Germany's Parliament, here, in this palace which
bears the scars of your country's suffering but which, today radiant
with light, is the image of modern Germany.
For half a century, a gaping wound at the
heart of divided Berlin, in ruins, the Reichstag, never rebuilt,
remained as the symbol of the pain and expectation of a whole
people. As the symbol of a Europe torn apart. And, of course,
when Germany, and subsequently our continent, was once again reunited,
German democracy was reestablished here, picking up the threads
of history and finally closing the tragic parenthesis.
As you said, I am one of those who always
hoped and always awaited the moment when Germany would regain
its unity and its capital. So you can understand my emotion at
being the first foreign head of State to address, from this podium,
the whole of Germany! Germany, our neighbour, our adversary yesterday,
our companion today! United Germany! Germany back home!
Today, I think of all those who made possible
the realization of this dream of generations of Germans. Of those
men of conviction and vision who helped their people believe in
their future. Of those who gave the Federal Republic, in the city
on the banks of the Rhine which gave it a home, its institutions
and values. Of those who raised the country from its ruins, rebuilt
and gave the world, thanks to their boundless skills, efforts
and infinite sacrifices, first-hand evidence of an extraordinary
success. Of those who have restored Germany to its place in the
front rank of the world's nations.
But I'm thinking first and foremost of the
statesmen who, in your country as in ours, set in train the historic
reconciliation between Germany and France. What audacity and courage
they needed, in the immediate aftermath of the war, to speak to
each other the language of trust and cooperation. The miracle
is that, at each essential stage, our two countries found the
men to consolidate the rapprochement and go ever further.
At the outset, there were Konrad Adenauer
and General de Gaulle who had the vision to keep their appointment
with history and open up, I would even say, force open the road
which we are travelling together.
I'm thinking of Willy Brandt and Georges
Pompidou.
I'm thinking too of Helmut Schmidt and Valéry
Giscard d'Estaing who strengthened Franco-German solidarity and
enabled Europe to go further.
Finally, I want here to pay tribute to Helmut
Kohl and tell him that the immense work he accomplished with François
Mitterrand in strengthening Europe's cohesion and identity still
further remains engraved on the memory of the French and Europeans.
It will soon be forty years since General
de Gaulle, visiting the Federal Republic of Germany, talked about
the Franco-German friendship and declared: "It is so that
we may work together that we embarked on our rapprochement, then
our Union - two of the most striking events history has ever seen.
The union, so that there may exist on the old continent a strong
structure whose power, prosperity and authority will equal those
of the United States. The union, too, so that, when the time comes,
the whole of Europe can ensure its stability, peace, development.
The union, finally and perhaps above all, because of the immense
task of human progress which the world has to carry out and in
which the combination of Europe's values, in the first place,
ours, can and must play the major role".
Ladies and gentlemen, forty years have passed.
To a large extent realized, the ambition remains.
Prosperity first of all. The European Union
is today the world's leading economic and trading power, it's
a research and innovation giant. Franco-German cooperation, emulation,
synergy have been one of its most powerful driving forces. Today,
at a time when we're seeing the formation of groups capable of
outperforming their international competitors, the Germans and
French are looking quite naturally to each other.
We passed a historic milestone with the
adoption of the euro, a project also supported from the outset
by the Franco-German tandem and which is a success. With the euro,
we have set the seal on the unification of the large European
market and given ourselves a tremendously powerful catalyst for
trade. We are firmly rooting in our fellow citizens' minds the
sense of belonging to a single economic - and over and above that
a political and human - entity. The Europeans now have their currency.
Secondly, stability, peace and development
for the whole continent. The key evidence of the success of the
European enterprise has very probably been this tremendous force
of attraction exerted on those Europeans who remained for so long
separated from us. The brilliant success of Europe made daily
more absurd and unbearable the maintenance at its gates of totalitarian
regimes and the division of our continent, and first of all of
Germany. The whole of Europe remembers those magical hours when,
braving the wall of shame, East and West Berliners joined together,
sending out the signal of freedom to the oppressed peoples.
Finally, Europe, campaigning for and engineering
progress in the world. What has united Germany and France and
their partners is, of course, their peoples' deep aspiration for
peace. But it's also, and perhaps primarily, a certain idea of
man which has given the European enterprise its vision of freedom,
dignity, tolerance and democracy. That's why belonging to the
Union means wholeheartedly adhering to the ideas and values underpinning
it.
Beyond its borders, the European Union is
making its voice heard. It is arguing for a fairer international
organization of trade, mindful of the need to improve individuals'
well-being and paying due regard to the world's cultural diversity.
It is arguing for genuine solidarity between rich and poor countries
and setting an example through an active development aid policy.
It is arguing for peace and an end to barbarism, and is working
to that end.
I'm thinking of course of our joint commitment
in Bosnia and Kosovo which clearly reflects the deep significance,
for you like us, of our European enterprise, this obligation to
act ethically which brings us together and, in our view, while
honouring Europe's alliances, justifies it now giving itself the
capabilities to pursue its own foreign and security policy.
Here, in the Bundestag, I want to pay tribute
to the historic decision of the Germans who, for the first time
for over half a century, agreed to send troops to a foreign theatre
of operations. They did so out of respect for the dignity of every
individual. France wishes to see Germany's commitment, its rank
as a major world power, its international influence, recognized
by a permanent member's seat on the United Nations Security Council!
Ladies and Gentlemen, in three days, France
will be taking over the presidency of the European Union. It will
have the responsibility of wrapping up decisions which bind us
for the future. I am thinking of course of the first of these:
the absolutely vital reform of our common institutions which we
shall steer with, I know, the support of our German partners.
It will have to take Europe forward in many
important areas. That of European defence. We are hoping to make
Europe go further, make headway commensurate with the considerable
progress achieved in the space of a few months, particularly under
the German presidency.
We want Europe also to be closer to its
citizens. Everyone must be able to see for themselves the benefits
of our Union in their everyday lives. Today, admittedly, many
Europeans deem it a bit abstract, too far removed from their real
concerns: growth, jobs and training, justice and security, the
battles against drug trafficking and against illegal immigration
networks, the environment and health, others too. In all these
areas, the next six months must allow us to push forward.
But going beyond these immediate tasks,
the responsibility incumbent on us founder members is continually
to pose the question of what Europe means, the direction in which
it should move and its future, and never to allow our determination
to weaken. I salute the profoundly European spirit which prevailed
here, very recently, at the relaunch of a debate whose issues
are, in the true sense of the term, existential. A debate which
is engaging our nations and our peoples, their history and their
identity and concerns the very organization of our societies,
the Europeans' will and ability to go further in the Union. It's
no trifling matter! There are moments when you have to be able
to take risks. Go off the beaten track. That's the price we'll
have to pay to pursue the great Community adventure!
I would like, here in Berlin, to scout out
the way, tell you what I firmly believe, offer you some ideas
for the way forward.
First of all, I believe that the European
Union's enlargement is a great ambition, one which is both legitimate
and necessary. It is under way. It will be difficult, for both
the candidate countries and member States. But tomorrow we shall
be thirty or more represented in Brussels, in Strasbourg and Luxembourg.
That's an achievement! For peace and democracy,
entrenched on our continent and making our joint venture wholly
meaningful. For the candidate countries, buttressed in their fight
for freedom by the hope of joining us. For the Union itself which,
as a result, will become stronger, politically and economically.
But, for all that, the obligation is clear.
The enlargement won't go ahead regardless. We shall not allow
the unravelling of the European enterprise to which you and we,
with our partners, have devoted so much determination and energy
for almost half a century. And which, in return has brought us
so much, not just peace, but also economic success and thus social
progress. Which has proved, for us all, tremendously empowering.
Our Union won't be quite the same tomorrow. But it won't be diluted,
nor will it take a backward step. It will be our responsibility
to ensure this.
I believe too that the pace of European
construction can't be decreed. It is to a large extent dictated
by the increase in the strength of the feeling, among our peoples,
of identity and of belonging to Europe, of their wish to live
together in a mutually supportive community. And I am confident
since this feeling is growing stronger and stronger, especially
among the young.
Finally, I believe it is necessary to provide
an informed background to the debate on the nature of the Union.
It's misrepresenting the truth to say that, on one side, there
are those who are defending national sovereignty and, on the other,
those who are selling it off. Neither you nor we are envisaging
the creation of a super European State which would supplant our
national States and mark the end of their existence as players
in international life.
Our nations are the source of our identities
and our roots. The diversity of their political, cultural and
linguistic traditions is one of our Union's strengths. For the
peoples who come after us, the nations will remain the first reference
points.
Envisaging their extinction would be as
absurd as denying that they have already chosen to exercise jointly
part of their sovereignty and that they will continue to do so,
since that is in their interest. Yes, the European Central Bank,
the Luxembourg Court of Justice and qualified majority voting
are elements of a common sovereignty. It is by accepting these
areas of common sovereignty that we shall acquire new power and
greater influence. So, please, let's stop anathemizing and over-simplifying
and at last agree that the Union's institutions are, and will
remain original and specific!
But let's recognize too that they can be
improved and that the forthcoming major enlargement has to be
the opportunity for us to think more deeply about our institutions,
go beyond the issues dealt with by the Intergovernmental Conference.
With this in mind, I would like us to be able to agree on some
principles.
First of all, the need to make the European
Union more democratic. The task of building Europe has, to too
large an extent, been solely that of leaders and elite. It is
time our peoples once more became the sovereigns of Europe. Democracy
in Europe must be more dynamic, particularly through the European
parliament and the national parliaments.
Then, to clarify, but without setting it
in stone, the division of responsibilities between the different
levels of the European system. Say who does what in Europe, bearing
in mind the need for the answers to be provided at the best level,
the one closest to the problems. In short, at last apply the principle
of subsidiarity.
We must also ensure that, in the enlarged
Europe, the capacity for forward momentum remains. There must
constantly be the possibility of opening up new avenues. For this,
and as we have done in the past, the countries which want to integrate
further, on a voluntary basis and on specific projects, must be
able to do so without being held up by those who, and it is their
right, don't wish to go so fast.
Finally, there's the Europe as a world power
that we so want to see - this Europe, one which is a strong player
on the international stage, has to have strong institutions and
an effective and legitimate decision-making mechanism, i.e. one
in which majority voting is the rule and which reflects the relative
weights of the member States.
These, ladies and gentlemen, are the main
guidelines which, I believe, must govern the process of remoulding
the EU's institutions. The face of the future Europe has still
to be shaped. It will depend on the debate and the negotiations.
And, of course and above all, on the will of our peoples. But
we can already, at this stage, map out the route.
The first, inescapable, step is the success,
under French presidency, of the Intergovernmental Conference.
Let's not underestimate the importance of this conference. The
four essential points on its agenda, including the development
of the enhanced cooperation procedure, will enable us to tailor
the EU's decision-making mechanisms to its future composition.
The success of the IGC is an essential prerequisite for any progress.
And neither you nor we could be satisfied by an agreement on the
bare minimum, what I would call a cut-price agreement, which would
lead the Union to paralysis for the next few years!
After the Intergovernmental Conference,
the end of the year will see the opening of what I would describe
as the "great transition" period at the end of which
the EU's institutions and borders will have to have been stabilized.
During this period, we will have to work on three major projects
at one and the same time.
Firstly, of course, the enlargement. It
will take a good few years to conclude the accession negotiations
and ensure the successful integration of the new member States.
Then there's the deepening of the policies, on the initiative
of those countries I was talking about just now and which wish
to go further or faster. Together with Germany and France, they
could form a "pioneer group". This group would blaze
the trail, by making use of the new enhanced cooperation procedure
defined by the IGC and forging, if necessary, cooperation in spheres
not covered by the Treaty, but without ever undermining the Union's
coherence and acquis.
This is, of course, how the composition
of the "pioneer group" will emerge. Not on an arbitrary
basis, but through the will of the countries which decide to participate
in all the spheres of enhanced cooperation. Thus, starting next
year, I would like the "pioneer group" to be able to
set to work inter alia on improving the coordination of economic
policies, strengthening the defence and security policy and increasing
the effectiveness of the fight against organized crime.
Should these States conclude a new Treaty
together and give themselves sophisticated institutions? I don't
believe so. This, we should realize, would add an additional level
to a Europe which already has plenty! And let's avoid setting
Europe's divisions in stone when our sole objective is to maintain
a capacity for forward momentum. Instead, we should envisage a
flexible cooperation mechanism, a secretariat tasked with ensuring
the consistency of the positions and policies of the members of
this pioneer group, which should, of course, remain open to all
those wishing to join it.
Thus, in this transition period, Europe
will continue to move forward while the preparations are being
made for the reshaping of the institutions.
Indeed, and this is the third project, I
propose that, immediately after the Nice Summit, we launch a process
which, going beyond the IGC, will enable us to address the other
institutional issues facing Europe.
Firstly, to reorganize the treaties to make
their presentation more coherent and easier for people to understand.
Then, clearly define the division of responsibilities - you emphasized
this and were right to do so - between Europe's various levels.
We could also, in the framework of this process, ponder the issue
of the Union's ultimate geographical limits, clarify the nature
of the Charter of Fundamental Rights which, I hope, we shall have
adopted in Nice and, finally, prepare the necessary institutional
adjustments, as regards both the executive and the Parliament,
to strengthen the effectiveness and democratic control of our
Union.
This preparatory discussion will have to
be conducted openly, with the participation of governments and
citizens, through their representatives in the European Parliament
and national Parliaments. The candidate countries will of course
have to take part in it. There are several possible ways of organizing,
ranging from a Committee of Wise Men to an approach modelled on
the Convention which is drafting our Charter of Fundamental Rights.
And at the end of these discussions, which
will very probably take some time, the governments, then the peoples
would be called on to give their verdict on a text which we will
then be able to establish as the first "European Constitution".
But if the European enterprise is to prosper,
it is the Franco-German friendship that we must first seek constantly
to deepen.
Our innumerable and so familiar areas of
cooperation, the close political dialogue between our institutions
at all levels, the fertile interchange between our cultures, the
exchanges among young people thanks to our thousands of twinning
arrangements and language courses - all have forged a unique,
irreversible and irreplaceable bond.
It is now more than half a century that
we have been working together hand in glove. Between us, reconciliation
is a fact. It is self-evident. A reality of daily life which is
so much a part of our landscape that we no longer perceive its
true dimension. And the new generation now in control receives
it as their birthright after learning of it in books, without
feeling the same emotional charge as formerly. So, let us rediscover
our initial inspiration, the fervour of the founding fathers!
The burning necessity for our dialogue! Let us provide places
where we can come to know one other and venture forth together!
And it's something I have been noticing since yesterday, in the
streets of Berlin, the many Germans who smilingly give us spontaneous
tokens of friendship, a gesture from the heart, something you
don't often encounter on official journeys and which I found very
touching.
What a lot we have in common, what good
reason we have to pay each other more attention! While we each
have our own traditions, our history, our own qualities, which
doubtless explain the forms of organization we have chosen for
ourselves. While Germany feels comfortable with its federal system,
which makes possible the active and lively participation of citizens
at all levels of political life. And while, by modernizing it,
France has succeeded in maintaining a unitary tradition which
helps to preserve the cohesion of its national community, the
challenges we have to take up today are the same. They are the
challenges of economic growth and competitiveness, changes in
our educational system, the defence of jobs, adaptation of our
social systems to demographic change, modernization and establishment
of effective policies for health systems, security, the environment,
immigration. One would need only to skim through the agendas of
your parliaments and ours, or follow the impassioned debates going
on in our two countries, to gauge the close kinship of our problems
and of our peoples' expectations.
What we still lack, it seems to me, is a
place where everyone can easily come together -political and economic
leaders, trade union and other associations, representatives of
the media and prominent people from the world of culture. Where
all the components that make up Germany and France on the move,
with their debates, their concerns, their aspirations, could all
meet. And I propose that there should be a German-French Conference
every year to bring them together. It would be the great rendezvous
of our two nations where Germany and France could together embrace
the future.
In the past few months, the economic world
has made spectacular progress. Our major companies have forged
powerful new alliances in the key fields of aerospace, chemicals,
energy, insurance and services. Yesterday evening, Chancellor
Schröder and I met their leaders.
I believe our priority must be to give even
more encouragement to this strong dynamic of integration between
our economic potentials, making the Franco-German tandem the engine
of a powerful centre of European industry. And I call on our business
circles, of course with the support of our two governments, to
create a Foundation where German and French leaders and managers
could meet and come to a better understanding - this is perhaps
what we are most lacking - of the business culture prevailing
in each other's country.
This spirit of partnership is something
we must also develop in the intellectual disciplines and the arts.
I salute the quality and the importance of the dialogue between
our thinkers and our artists. But I am convinced that we can lend
that dialogue still greater intensity, showing solidarity at a
time when we must together fight the great battle for cultural
diversity in the world.
Thanks to your initiative, Chancellor, we
now have our Franco-German Cinema Academy, whose first session
was held yesterday, in our presence. In the same spirit, we have
begun to reflect together on the future of books and the development
of the media.
Let us rekindle in our artists and writers
the taste for composing and creating in each other's country,
and give them the means of doing so, thus resuming the prestigious
European tradition of travel and immersion in other cultures.
And I propose the creation in Berlin of a place such as already
exists in Rome or Madrid, a forum where our creative people, who
seek inspiration in this city that is in the full flood of renewal,
will find a welcome and conditions propitious to their reflection.
We must cultivate this spirit of dialogue
between our peoples by promoting the practical study of our respective
languages. As I salute the representatives of the Bundesrat who
are present here, I would like to address my particular congratulations
to the authorities of the Länder who have committed themselves
to this course with determination and have taken exemplary decisions.
For our part, we shall see to it that the German language keeps
its status of excellence and its rank among the very foremost
living foreign languages taught in our schools.
Finally, I propose that in this symbolic
year we together make a powerful gesture towards our young people,
by inviting 2,000 of our middle and senior school pupils to complete
their first year of practical language learning with a study visit
to the country whose language they have chosen, to discover the
country, the people and their traditions.
What France and Germany have experienced
and undergone in history is unlike anything else. Better than
any other nation, they grasp the deep meaning of peace and of
the European enterprise.
They alone, by forcing the pace of things,
could give the signal for a great coming together in Europe. Together,
as their voyage of mutual rediscovery has grown more intense,
as the commitment of their peoples has deepened, they have moved
the idea of Europe forward.
They alone can make the gestures that will
carry Europe further, in its ambitions, in its frontiers and in
the hearts of its people. Which will make the Union that great
area of peace, rights and freedoms, that homeland of the spirit
worthy of its heritage, that land our citizens will love to inhabit,
to cultivate, to make flourish through their common endeavour.
Long live Germany! Long live France! And
long live the European Union.
